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The 1870s saw a retreat from Reconstruction efforts after the election of 1867. Black rights began to erode in the 1880s, but Black people continued to fight for their rights. After the amendments were passed, the Supreme Court’s decisions led to a gradual withdrawal from the initial ideals of Reconstruction. This was due not only to racial biases but also to a concern for maintaining federalism. The Supreme Court’s decisions reflected the weakening national support for Reconstruction during the 1870s and 1880s.
In the early 1870s, the Supreme Court began handling cases related to the new legislation. A landmark ruling was in the Slaughterhouse Cases, which stemmed from Louisiana’s law centralizing meat processing to improve sanitation. White butchers sued, claiming the law violated their right to free labor as protected under the Privileges or Immunities Clause and alleged legislative corruption. The court upheld the law based on a state’s existing authority to regulate businesses for public health reasons. Justice Samuel J. Miller used the case to address the 13th and 14th Amendments, affirming that their purpose was to secure the freedoms of formerly enslaved people and protect their rights. However, Miller significantly limited the scope of the 14th Amendment’s Privileges or Immunities Clause, arguing it did not change the federal balance significantly. According to him, the amendment protected only rights associated with national, not state, citizenship. He concluded that other rights were under state jurisdiction, thus narrowing federal oversight over states and minimizing the Supreme Court’s role as a censor of state laws. The four dissenting judges agreed with the butchers’ arguments, promoting a strong federal role and broad citizen rights. They believed that the amendment applied to all citizens, not just Black people. Their view foreshadowed the “liberty of contract” legal approach that favored businesses in the late 19th century.
While the 14th Amendment mentioning male voters limited women’s rights, it did not explicitly exclude them from other protections. Women’s rights activists argued for equal rights and challenged state laws that restricted their basic rights. While acknowledging women as citizens, the court said citizenship did not automatically guarantee the right to vote. The states could decide voting rights as long as they did not exclude Black men. Some states began expanding women’s rights, but this was done on an individual state level. The court rejected broad interpretations of the amendments in all these cases, but this foreshadowed future uses of the 14th Amendment for expanding rights.
Introduced in 1870, the Civil Rights Bill was finally enacted in 1875. It faced opposition from both Democrats and Republicans who felt that the amendments did not support a federal anti-discrimination law. Using Slaughterhouse as evidence, Democrats used the Supreme Court’s narrow interpretation of the 14th Amendment to argue states still controlled many rights the act aimed to protect. With the Privileges or Immunities Clause weakened, supporters of the bill focused on the Equal Protection Clause and the idea that states could not allow racial discrimination through inaction. Sumner, the bill’s sponsor, appealed to broader principles of human rights and argued that businesses covered by the act were effectively state actors.
In the mid-1870s, Southern Democrats used paramilitary groups to intimidate and attack Black voters and Republicans. This violence, unlike the earlier KKK tactics, was conducted openly, as they believed Northerners would no longer back federal intervention. Federal officials, frustrated by the situation and facing economic troubles in the North, seemed powerless to stop it. This increasing limitation of federal power was demonstrated in the case United States v. Cruikshank, in which a white mob killed many Black people. Initially, the people in the mob were convicted. Justice Joseph P. Bradley, who had dissented in Slaughterhouse, claimed that most rights under the 14th Amendment, such as protection against common crimes like murder, fall under state jurisdiction. According to him, the 15th Amendment protected Black voting rights from violence by individuals, but race was never explicitly mentioned in the case. The case was sent to the Supreme Court, and only a few of the men were convicted.
While the Supreme Court restricted the scope of the 14th Amendment, it maintained a more expansive interpretation of the 15th Amendment regarding voting rights. The court upheld the federal court conviction of Baltimore election officials who manipulated election results by discarding votes from Black citizens. They emphasized the primacy of national law over state power in matters of federal elections. The ruling, applying specifically to federal elections, marked a strong endorsement of federal authority to safeguard electoral integrity.
The equality of public rights for African Americans remained uncertain until the Supreme Court addressed it in 1883 with the Civil Rights Cases. These involved Black people across the country being denied service in public spaces. The Supreme Court struck down most of the 1875 Civil Rights Act, reasoning that the law targeted private businesses, not state actions. This decision strengthened the “state action” doctrine and upheld the distinction between civil and political rights versus social rights. The Brotherhood of Liberty formed in response to this widespread denial of rights. In 1889, they published Justice and Jurisprudence, a 600-page treatise, which criticized the Supreme Court’s rulings on these issues.
The only justice to dissent was John Marshall Harlan. He argued they misinterpreted the recent amendments with a focus on technicalities like federalism instead of the core issues: freedom and citizenship for Black people. Harlan acknowledged the discomfort some had with racial equality, including himself when it came to interracial relationships. However, he stressed that the Civil Rights Act addressed civil rights, not social rights. The decision had a devastating impact on Black Americans’ hopes for equal treatment and sparked outrage among their allies. Justice Bradley, who wrote the majority opinion, said that states could enact their own civil rights laws. This was unlikely in the Democrat-controlled South, but Black activists in the North and West lobbied for state-level civil rights laws.
In 1888, Republicans regained control of both the presidency and Congress, creating an opportunity to pass new legislation. Congress debated the Federal Elections Bill, aimed at securing Black suffrage in the South, but the bill was defeated due to southern Democratic opposition and Republican infighting. This marked the last major attempt by Congress to protect Black voting rights for many decades. The United States’ rise as an overseas imperial power in the late 19th century prompted further debates about citizenship and rights. Following the acquisition of territories, questions arose about whether the Constitution applied in these areas. The court determined that people living in these territories were not subject to the same rights, stemming from racist ideas about white supremacy.
By the early 1900s, Black voting rights were severely restricted in the South. Previously, Democrats used intimidation, violence, and manipulating voting districts to limit Black suffrage. Now, with the Supreme Court’s tacit approval, they felt emboldened to implement even harsher measures to prevent Black men from voting. They exploited the loopholes in the 15th Amendment by adding caveats to the ability to vote—not explicitly mentioning race but with the clear intent to disenfranchise Black people. Though the 14th Amendment included a penalty for states denying the right to vote, the federal government did nothing to enforce it.
The struggle of Redefining Citizenship After Slavery was not just a matter of legal rights but also a broader societal acceptance. The formation of the Brotherhood of Liberty illustrates an active resistance against a systemic denial of Black citizenship. This organization not only tackled legal barriers but also fought for socioeconomic inclusion, as evidenced by their efforts to open professional opportunities for African Americans, such as in law and education. This movement highlights a key aspect of citizenship: active participation in all facets of society, not merely the possession of rights but the practical ability to exercise them. The Brotherhood’s challenges demonstrate the transition from a legal status to an active, participative role in a democracy, revealing the depths of racial discrimination that pervaded even the supposedly neutral legal system.
Chapter 4 highlights The Challenges of Constitutional Change and condemns the selective interpretation and application of the Reconstruction amendments by the courts. It criticizes a judiciary that is hesitant to apply these amendments expansively, often undermining the broader goals of Reconstruction to integrate African Americans fully and equally into the body politic. The Supreme Court in the late 19th and early 20th century consistently placed federalism and state sovereignty above the rights of Black citizens, thereby limiting the scope of the Reconstruction amendments to effect real change. This judicial reticence identifies a crucial barrier to constitutional change: The amendment of a text is only as powerful as its interpretation and enforcement, which, if conservative or biased, can significantly dilute its intended impact. United States v. Cruikshank exemplifies the judiciary’s reluctance to enforce the Reconstruction amendments in protecting African Americans against racial violence. The decision to overturn the convictions of white supremacists who massacred Black voters in Louisiana signaled a significant retreat from the commitment to use federal power to protect newly established civil rights. It exposed a judicial preference for a narrow interpretation of federal authority over civil rights, thereby setting a precedent that effectively weakened federal efforts to combat racial violence and protect African American citizenship.
The “state action” doctrine has shaped the enforcement of civil rights by stipulating that the 14th Amendment’s protections against discrimination apply only to state actions, not to private behaviors. This judicial principle has constrained the scope of civil rights protections, confining federal authority to intervene in cases of racial discrimination primarily to instances involving state actors. As a result, this doctrine has placed a substantial limitation on civil rights advancements, necessitating legislative intervention to address private discrimination. The Supreme Court’s decision in the Civil Rights Cases limited civil rights protections by declaring that private acts of discrimination could not be penalized under the previously enacted Civil Rights Act of 1875, which was aimed at prohibiting racial discrimination in public places. The enduring impact of the “state action” doctrine reveals The Modern Legacy of Reconstruction that has shaped the trajectory of civil rights in the United States, often leaving significant gaps in protections against private sector discrimination unless explicitly addressed by law.
Justice John Marshall Harlan provided a notable contrast during this era, often dissenting in landmark cases that shaped civil rights jurisprudence. In the case of Plessy v. Ferguson, Harlan’s lone dissent vehemently opposed the majority’s endorsement of the “separate but equal” doctrine, advocating for a color-blind Constitution that did not discriminate based on race. His arguments were grounded in what he perceived as the moral and legal obligations of the nation to fulfill the promises made during Reconstruction. He often cited the principles of liberty and equality as foundational to the Reconstruction amendments and argued that these amendments were meant to eliminate all badges of slavery and involuntary servitude, not merely to end slavery itself. Harlan’s dissents stand as a testament to the judiciary’s ability to both defend or dismantle civil rights, and his opinions have been celebrated for their foresight and moral clarity.
The case of Plessy v. Ferguson extended the doctrine of state rights over federal authority to protect civil liberties, embedding racial segregation into the legal and social fabric of the United States. It is also emblematic of the enduring resistance to substantive racial equality under the law. In declaring the constitutionality of “separate but equal” facilities for African Americans and whites, the court legitimized state-sponsored racial segregation under the guise of providing equal public facilities. This ruling was directly influenced by the precedents set in cases like the Slaughterhouse Cases and United States v. Cruikshank, where the courts limited the scope of federal oversight and intervention in matters of racial discrimination. Foner suggests that the legal and constitutional frameworks established during Reconstruction set the stage for future civil rights struggles, laying a foundational, though flawed, groundwork for the fight against racial segregation and discrimination that would erupt more prominently in the mid-20th century. The historical reluctance to robustly enforce the rights of African Americans has echoed through generations, influencing contemporary issues such as mass incarceration, voting rights disputes, and systemic racism in legal and social institutions.
By Eric Foner
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