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Ned BlackhawkA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Chapter 7 focuses on the racist ideology of Thomas Jefferson, the third US president, and how his ideas shaped a formative period of federal Indigenous policy. In his Notes on the State of Virginia (1785), Jefferson outlines his growing fear of slave revolts, which was confirmed by the Haitian revolution in 1804. This fear would prove highly influential on Jefferson’s presidential policy, as he worked to prevent such an uprising from ever destabilizing his way of life as an enslaver. Under his influence, the formation of a white supremacist racial order in the United States was becoming increasingly paramount to perceived national security. Blackhawk writes that “lawmakers struggled to establish legible distinctions between ‘red, ‘white,’ and ‘black’ people. That struggle became ideological. It became social. It became political, and it eventually became legal” (297). As this quotation implies, Jefferson and other political leaders understood Native people to have an inferior place within their racial hierarchy alongside enslaved Black populations.
Blackhawk cites the dispossession and transformation of Indigenous homelands as an essential step in the formation of this white supremacist racial order. Land ownership united a variety of white communities within the same socioeconomic stratum. Acquisition of new territories necessitated Native American displacement. A new farming middle class flourished in the western portions of the country, fostering a new, uniquely Euro-American culture of individualism. Congress used increasingly racialized language in its new legislation, such as the Militia Act of 1792, to solidify these racial distinctions along socioeconomic lines. Simultaneously, the violence of colonialism was erased from the popular consciousness, as white thinkers in the early 19th century portrayed ethnic cleansing as a natural process of history.
Despite federal aims to erase Native populations, the tradition of diplomacy between the US government and sovereign Native tribes was preserved by officials such as Henry Knox, who understood Jefferson’s policies to be impractical. In this chapter, the centrality of treaties as law under the US Constitution comes into full focus. Despite Jefferson’s best efforts, Native sovereignty was inextinguishable, and even he began to cave to the diplomatic traditions that maintained a semblance of peace between Euro-Americans and Native Americans. During the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, however, Jefferson ensured that no non-European signatories would be included, circumventing Indigenous peoples’ legal sovereignty over the land. Subsequently, under President Andrew Jackson, removal policies triggered the violent displacement of the Cherokee Nation from their southeastern homelands. A series of ambiguous decisions by the Supreme Court under Chief Justice John Marshall failed to ensure Native American sovereignty.
This is the only chapter in the book that focuses on Indigenous experience on the California coast and in the Pacific Northwest. Blackhawk introduces this theater of Indigenous-European relations with a description of the Spanish missionary system that spanned the length of modern-day California. In particular, he focuses on the San Gabriel Mission, where Spanish soldiers terrorized Tongva women and their families with sexual violence. Environmental colonialism also wreaked havoc on Tongva ways of life, as invasive animal and plant species transformed Indigenous landscapes to suit colonial economic needs. From this profoundly destabilized world emerged Toypurina, a Tongva medicine woman who helped to stage an organized revolt against the San Gabriel Mission. Though ultimately unsuccessful, the revolt at San Gabriel highlights the continued influence of Indigenous women such as Toypurina amid sexually violent forms of colonialism that targeted their bodily integrity.
When the United States acquired Spanish colonial lands under the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848), the culture of brutal violence against Native Americans continued in service of American economic advancement. Similarly, in Alaska, Russian imperialists used violence to force local tribes into hard labor. Blackhawk summarizes, “Across the Americas, Indigenous labor fueled the rise and maintenance of colonial society” (356). Blackhawk argues that Indigenous resistance in this region lay at the heart of the federal government’s adoption of the Monroe Doctrine in 1824, which held that foreign interference anywhere in the Americas constituted a potentially hostile act. During the early decades of the 19th century, the US struggled to incorporate the territories held by the resilient tribes of the Pacific Northwest. Northwestern tribes had well-established processes for keeping European settlers at bay, utilizing their maritime military prowess to control European access to their lands. However, colonialism’s silent killer, disease, eventually destabilized and wiped out a huge portion of these populations, making way for new European settlements in the region.
All around the United States, Latin American countries were beginning to gain independence from the Spanish Empire, a process that horrified the white supremacist government of the United States. Meanwhile, internal conflicts over slavery were brewing, as the formation of new states such as Missouri threatened the balance between slave states and free states. Thomas Jefferson’s fear of slave revolts was seemingly confirmed by the multiracial nature of new Latin American republics. On the eve of the Civil War, the sovereignty of non-white nations, such as the Indigenous nations across North America, evoked an immense sense of insecurity for the United States’ leaders.
As he did with the American Revolution, Blackhawk reframes the Civil War as a conflict fueled by Indigenous-settler relations. Drawing focus away from the North-South front of the war, he illuminates the lesser-known western front. In the turmoil of the war, the federal government was increasingly absent from western territories, even as tensions between Native and settler populations intensified. Blackhawk reports that this sensitive dynamic contributed to the expanding scope of the Civil War. As the federal government scrambled to affirm its own authority, it aimed new policies of governance at populations it perceived to be a threat to its sovereignty, including Native Americans. In the aftermath of conflicts such as the Dakota War (1862), “ethnic cleansing became the expressed aim of US military leaders” (404). Threatened by an increasingly violent and overbearing Union government, many Indigenous tribes, including the Cherokee, allied with the Confederacy in the hopes that a Union defeat might regain their lost autonomy.
On the western front, one-off local militias initiated campaigns of terror against local tribes, and no consistent federal policy toward Native Americans mitigated such violence. Military infrastructure and civilian settlements spread westward, encroaching on natural resources that enabled Native ways of life. Once again, treaty making became the federal government’s primary strategy for achieving the incorporation of Native powers, but individual Native Americans became divided on how best to respond to this new legal relationship. Mining economies in the West further destabilized Native communities, as the industry destroyed intermountain landscapes in pursuit of wealth.
At the end of the war, as the Confederacy was defeated, “Colorado’s Indian affairs became the sole theater of opportunity for combat” (447). The Union army unleashed a violent military campaign against the Cheyenne and demanded that Indigenous tribes, most notably the Diné, confine themselves to designated government reservations. This forcible relocation, referred to as “The Long Walk,” was built upon prior US removal policies such as the ethnic cleansing of Cherokees along the Trail of Tears in 1831. In Blackhawk’s estimation, these removal policies signaled a new period in federal Indigenous policy, as the government aimed to affirm its own power to the highest degree possible.
Describing the latter half of Rediscovery to the director of Yale University Press, Blackhawk explained:
The second part of the book is called ‘Struggles for Sovereignty.’ And the intention behind that was not just to highlight Native American struggles for sovereignty, but broader US struggles for sovereignty. Because the sovereignty of the United States is not a predetermined given (“Ned Blackhawk on The Rediscovery of America.” YouTube, uploaded by Yale Press, 25 Apr. 2023).
Indigenous sovereignty was often the first target of the nascent United States in its struggle for sovereignty against the European empires, leading Native people to struggle for Tribal Agency Amid Subjugation. In Chapter 7, white American settlers established racial hierarchies as a safeguard against Indigenous sovereignty. In Chapter 8, the Monroe Doctrine condemned foreign threats to US sovereignty, implicating Indigenous allies of the British Empire in North America. In Chapter 9, the Civil War rendered western Native Americans the target of federal military aggression amid the wartime environment of political instability and insecurity. The foreboding final words of Chapter 9 indicate how these struggles over sovereignty took a fully realized legal shape in the 20th century: “[T]he postwar era witnessed a commensurate rise in the power of the federal government to assert its authority over western citizens, lands, and Native peoples” (452).
Throughout his analysis of the 19th century, Blackhawk once again challenges romantic narratives of US history. He demystifies another Founding Father, Thomas Jefferson, exposing his ruthless white supremacy. Similarly, Blackhawk refutes the popular romantic image of the 19th-century “Wild West.” The racialized violence directed at Native people during the Civil War underscores the federal government’s increasing hostility toward Indigenous populations. These revisionist narratives illustrate the US Policy Shifts and Their Impacts on Indigenous Life foreshadowed in the previous section. Blackhawk outlines how the very fabric of Indigenous existence was unraveled as the ecologies of the Pacific Northwest and Intermountain West were decimated by the invasive species and diseases that traveled with colonizers.
For individuals such as Toypurina, these tragic circumstances were highly gendered, as illustrated by the culture of sexual violence that defined life in California’s network of missions. But Blackhawk’s analysis also shows how Indigenous women resisted the patriarchal systems of colonialism, contributing to Tribal Agency Amid Subjugation. Women and their children were particularly vulnerable to the forms of violence used by colonizers, but their decisions to participate in events such as the San Gabriel revolt underline the instrumental role that Native women have played in preserving cultural heritage throughout Native American history. In comparison to other topics, Blackhawk does not delve too deeply into the gender dynamics of Indigenous America amid colonialism, although the subject is broached throughout the book. As such, Toypurina’s story invites further inquiry into Indigenous gender studies for readers interested in this line of Blackhawk’s analysis.
Blackhawk continues the theme of Encounter as the Framework for US History in describing how the continuously westward movement of the settler American frontier generated new instances of cultural collision between Euro-Americans and Native tribes. Additionally, the forced displacement of tribes such as the Cherokee and Diné brought previously distanced Native cultures into close proximity with one another as the geographic purview of Native Americans was made increasingly smaller by federal removal policies. Reservations catalyzed internal encounters within the Native American diaspora. Additionally, on the West Coast, Indigenous polities came into contact with a global imperial network including the Russian, British, and Spanish Empires in a turbulent political landscape. This section thus illustrates the continued process of encounter even as the novelty of European-Indigenous relations faded in the 19th century.
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